Also read
Chapter II: The murder of Bhutto, Zia's blasphemy & his protege
Chapter III: Lost causes, murder, spooks & the storming of the courts (1990-2000)
Chapter IV: Karachi, a lovers quarrel and the more things change.
I begin with this acknowledgement, I learnt much by reading DAWNs columns by Ardeshir Cowasjee. The 85 year old columnist, activist, businessman and charity worker was an important introduction for me to the 'other' narrative of Pakistan's history. He would talk about historical figures as human beings with odd eccentricities and human strengths and failings. He would be brutal in his criticism, lavish in his praise and did not give out the latter often. He also had his biases, he was urban centric and saw the world from a Karachi-centric view, the city that had gone through an unprecdented boom till the 1970 election. It defied the national trend by voting in the religo-political party's and against the Pakistan Peoples Party.
So while I did not always agree with Karachi's him as I read his works, I more often then not learnt from them. This is the history of Pakistan that I learnt through the words of the grand old man of Karachi. It begins with something central to Cowasjee, that is his emphatic belief in Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan's founder and 'Great Leader'. Here he links in Jinnah with the story of his family:
He needed a shipping company, so his trusted lieutenant Yusuf
Haroon was asked to request the premier shipowner of Karachi,
Rustom Cowasjee, to come to Bombay to meet him. Jinnah told Rustom
what he wanted, and that was the start of Muhammadi Steamship
Company. Rustom delivered, and within one month of Pakistan's birth
Muhammadi's flag was flying on Muhammadi's ships.This in turn highlights two core themes that run through his articles, his belief that Pakistan was conceived by it's founder as a secular state, defined by the rule of law. He invokes two famous speeches by Pakistan's barrister founder.
"You are free, free to go to your temples, you are free to go to
your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of
It has nothing to do with the business of the State."
Now, this Pakistan. Now, this particular passage has always been the main bugbear of the insecure, the feeble of faith, and the cowards who live by self-deception. The very next day it was found to be too irksome, it inspired fear.
In his speech, Jinnah also proclaimed that "the first duty of a
government is to maintain law and order, so that life, property and
religious beliefs of its subjects are fully protected by the
State." Amongst the evils which he vowed would not be tolerated
were bribery, corruption, blackmarketing, and "this great evil -
the evil of nepotism and jobbery."Despite his love for Jinnah, Cowasjee is in fact influenced far more by one man whom modern day Pakistan owes far more too and yet whose legacy is now so little.
Cowasjee on Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
Ilahi Bakhsh and I have known each other since 1943 when we both read
science at the Dayaram Jethmal Sind College, Karachi. Later he moved to the
Nadirshaw Eduljee Dinshaw Engineering College to do his BE, and then went
off to America to do his M.Sc from Columbia Polytechnic. In 1951, it was
Illoo who helped arrange for our mutual friend Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to be
married to his second wife Nusrat, much against the will and wishes of
father Shahnawaz and his family. Illoo produced a Maulvi and the two were
wedded very privately, with only Karamdad Junejo and Ilahi Bakhsh standing
by on Zulfikar. and father Sabunchi with Nusrat. ..
We first met in 1951, introduced by our family lawyer Dingomal
Narayansingh Ramchandani. 'Meet our latest entrant,' said Dingo,
'Shahnawaz's son.' My father and I shook hands with a young affable
man. We talked of generalities; my father wrote him off; I was
impressed. When I next met him (Dingo having put him on one of our
cases) he seriously declared his ambition to be foreign minister of
Pakistan.
He was helped by Iranian Nusrat Sabunchi, his second wife, to
further his single-minded purpose via her countrywoman, Naheed
Mirza, wife of Iskander Mirza, defence secretary, then interior
minister, then, in 1955, governor-general of the Dominion of
Pakistan, and in March 1956 the first president of the Republic of
Pakistan. Zulfikar had the knack of climbing and worked himself
into Mirza's good books,. He was given his first official
assignment in March 1958, as leader of the Pakistan delegation to
the Law of the Sea Conference at Geneva. This in turn was followed by his quoting of Bhutto's letter to President Iskander Mirza
Power seekers are adept in the art of sycophancy, if adept in
nothing else. Declamations of 'my imperishable and devoted
loyalty,' 'you are not merely an individual, but an institution,'
'your services are indispensable for the greater good of the
country,' 'you embody the national interest,' all roll glibly off
many servile tongues, and are transferred with the greatest of ease
from each transient master to the next. The supreme example of
adulation : 'When the history of this country is written by
objective historians, your name will be placed even before that of
Mr Jinnah,' written to Iskander Mirza by loyal Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Bhutto, Mujib & Yahya Khan
Defying the stereotype of Yahya Khan, the destroyer of united Pakistan, Cowasjee in fact tells us the story of
Yahya Khan through the eyes of his son. Unsurprisingly Cowasjee would agree with Yahya
who was to lay the blame on the feet of Bhutto and Sheikh Mujib.
Basit has now compiled a book The Breaking of Pakistan, containing papers
written by Yahya in which he describes the interaction between him, Bhutto
and Mujib that led to the disintegration of the country. Most of these
papers were those submitted by Yahya to the Hamoodur Rahman Commission,
plus other sworn statements and affidavits. In his introduction, he
explains:Yahya thinks that it was the Mujib-Bhutto interaction which broke
rity leader, who insisted to be treated as equal to the majority
leader. Be
Pakistan. Indeed, he puts the major share of the blame on Z. A. Bhutto, the
min
otween these covers the reader will find Yahya's perception on the
subject. He is obsessed with the theme that 'a congruence of objectives'
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was a power-hungry person who exploited the social
climbersechniques of projecting special relationship with the Army
Brass. He was a narcissist with a tendency to megalomania as well as
intrigue. He had no commitment to any doctrine or to Pakistan. He
manufactured his own charisma without any ethical scruples.Sheikh Mujib was a greedy and immature person who never outgrew the role
of an agitator student leader. Indians had bribed him to launch an anti-
Pakistan movement in East Pakistan to which extent the allegations in the
Agartala Conspiracy case were true. They had also implanted a phobia in his
mind that even if he were to win a general election and become the prime
minister real power will not be transferred by the Pakistan Army.Bhutto & the 1973 Republic
Despite Cowasjees early closeness to ZA Bhutto, this relationship was to change
dramatically after ZAB was to assume power in 1971.
As the increasingly authoritarian ruler started to to turn on
his former friends and best man.
This constitution, the constitution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, father of
Benazir, was drafted and redrafted during 1972-73 and finally
promulgated on Aug 14, 1973.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto promulgated our
Constitution in 1973 and within four hours had the fundamental
rights enshrined therein suspended and had many members of the
opposition jailed.The feeble and acquiescing president, Fazal Elahi Chaudhary, and asked him to sign
ead and digest it. (Cowasjee November 2007)
it, which of course he did without demur and probably without bothering
to
Halaku (Asghar Khan of Bhakkar) I have known since 1972, then a dreaded policeman who was sent to
Karachi by Bhutto to question me. Bhutto was desperately trying to find
some evidence against Altaf Gauhar who had been arrested on a trumped-up
charge and jailed. Halaku, quite happy to call a machine gun
,ordered his sidekick to pick up Cowasjee Ardeshir, also bearded,
also a Parsi. This unfortunate man, totally ignorant of what was going on,
was taken to the police station and questioned late into the night, until
at last Halaku realising he had the wrong man, arrested me, the machine
gun, and released him, the gun machine.He then writes movingly about another era of darkness in Balochistan and Pakistan when another generation of unaccountable 'agencies' mercilessly hounded the people of Pakistan.
hand in hand with the nebulous 'agencies',
let us take Sherbaz's story of the elimination in 1976 of young Asadullah
References
Mengal, son of that most upright Baloch Sardar and gentleman, Ataullah. Asadullah and his friend Ahmad Shah Kurd were ambushed outside the house of Balakh Sher Mazari. Asadullah was killed, and his body dragged along the road and dumped in the back of a car. Ahmad Shah was taken alive, put in the car, driven away and then killed. No one was ever charged, no one ever found out the who's, the why's or the wherefore's. One night in December 1973, a hand grenade was thrown down the ventilator of the Quetta house of NAP Pakhtoonkhwa leader Abdus Samad Achakzai. The grenade exploded, killing Achakzai. No one was ever charged or apprehended. Sherbaz spoke also of 'Johnny' Dass, son of the highly respected Air Commodore Balwant Dass, one of the most senior officers of the PAF who served his country with distinction. Dulip Dass, known to his family and friends as Johnny (and Later known to the Baloch as 'Dilu') at the age of 25 returned to Pakistan from England in 1972, where he was doing his chartered accountancy - 'to do something for his country', as he put it. He and a few other idealistic young men went to Balochistan. Johnny was accused of being a sympathizer of the Baloch insurgency and was put on the 'wanted' list. On his way out of the province, betrayed by an informer, he was ambushed at Jhatpat, taken away by the 'agencies', kept in custody (in Quetta jail for a while, it is said). The story has it that he was tortured to death. Where or when no one knows. His father spent months on his trail in Balochistan; despite his rank and standing neither the army nor the 'agencies' gave him any help or information. His body was never found. In March 1974, Maulvi Sahmsuddin, Deputy Speaker of the Balochistan Assembly of the opposition party Jamiat-i-Ulema Islam, left Quetta for Fort Sandeman in his official vehicle. Malik Haji Gul Mandokhel left Quetta by car later the same day and found Shamsuddin shot dead in his car near Qila Shagal. It was later learnt that a man called Shah Wazir had visited Shamsuddin at Quetta, stayed with him for three days and had insisted on accompanying him to Fort Sandeman. Shah Wazir was never found, dead or alive. Dr Nazir Ahmed, MNA of the JI, was an outspoken critic of Mr. Bhutto's politics and style of government. One evening in June 1972 a man entered his clinic in Dera Ghazi Khan and shot him dead. The case was ostensibly investigated by the police. Two men were sent up for trial and both were discharged by the court, the judgment saying: "The investigation seems to be intentionally dishonest." The public prosecutor submitted before the court that the police had intentionally 'spoiled' the case. Jassarat, in a front-page article, wrote: "the motive behind the murder is political and the police investigation are ridiculous." Information Minister Kausar Niazi suggested that action be taken against the paper and Bhutto approved, noting "certainly this needs to be done."
Then there were the six Hurs - Mehrab Sinjhrani, Umaid Ali Sinjhrani, Jan
Mohammed Sinjhrani, Hanzo Bahnejo, Syed Ali Sher, and Allah Dad Wadho. Pir
Pagara posed a problem for Bhutto, so in 1973 a plan was prepared to
diminish, if not demolish, his influence by subduing his followers. Chief
security officer Saeed Ahmed Khan and provincial minister Jam Sadiq Ali
were ordered to undertake the anti-Hur operations. Ali Bakhsh Junejo of the
Sanghar district PPP, a close associate of Jam Sadiq Ali, was murdered by
unidentified men. The following day, the six Hurs were ordered to attend
the court of district magistrate, Sanghar, Imdadullah Unar, where
proceedings under the 'Goonda Act' were pending against them. The
magistrate handed them over to police custody. They were confined in
Sanghar police station and that night were taken out handcuffed, and driven
towards Kanan Mori. Jam Sadiq Ali, Imdadullah Unar and SP Ghulam Shabbir
Kalyar followed them in another vehicle. At Kanan Mori the six Hurs were
shot dead in "an encounter with the police." The police party was rewarded.
(to be continued)
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